Russia House

editorial

2017-12-15
Unlike Nixon, Trump Will Not Go Quietly

By Patrick J. Buchanan
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2017-12-15
RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP 14 DECEMBER 2017

BY PATRICK ARMSTRONG
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2017-12-15
Media Malpractice Is Criminalizing Better Relations With Russia
The pillorying of General Flynn and hounding of Secretary of State Tillerson equate détente with "collusion with the Kremlin."

By Stephen F. Cohen
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2017-12-14
Russia-gate's Litany of Corrections
As much as the U.S. mainstream media insists that the Russia-gate scandal is growing, what is undeniably growing is the list of major corrections that news outlets have been forced to issue

By Robert Parry

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2017-12-14
Cold, hungry and lost: Ukrainian pensioners face fourth winter on the frontline
"We are not living, we are just surviving"

By Umberto Bacchi, Thomson Reuters Foundation
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2017-12-14
It's So Embarrassing When U.S. Clients Feud [re Saakashvili and Poroshenko]

By Ted Galen Carpenter
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2017-12-13
What Should We Fight For?

By Patrick J. Buchanan
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2017-12-13
Russia's Syria op: Key points of campaign that helped crush ISIS & gave peace a chance
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2017-12-13
Normalize U.S.-Russia relations?
Post-Cold War words and actions

By Edward Lozansky
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2017-12-11
Liberal America's unhealthy fixation on Russia
Putin gets a boost from US paranoia that its Cold War enemy fixed the election

By EDWARD LUCE
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Russia House

2017-10-09

President Zigzag

By Robert Parry

President Trumps bellicose speech to the United Nations General Assembly last month sparked a crisis for the behind-the-scenes diplomacy that was then reaching out to North Korea and Iran, with Trumps comments jeopardizing not only the talks but the credibility of the intermediaries, according to a source familiar with those efforts.
Trump essentially pulled the rug out from under the intermediaries by insulting North Korean leader Kim Jong Un as Rocket Man, threatening to totally destroy Kims nation of 25 million people, and calling for regime change in Iran. Trumps bluster on Sept. 19 also deepened internal tensions with Secretary of State Rex Tillerson who was privately supporting the secret diplomacy.

The next day, when one of the intermediaries complained about the harm that Trumps speech had caused, the President glibly explained that he liked to zigzag in charting his foreign policy, the source said.

The immediate consequences of Trumps U.N. speech included ratcheting up nuclear-war tensions on the Korean peninsula and torpedoing a possible diplomatic breakthrough with Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. A proposed meeting between Rouhani and Trump around the Iranian presidents trip to the U.N. sank under Trumps barrage of insults, the source said.

Trumps zigzag approach to foreign policy has similarities to President Richard Nixons infamous madman theory, in which Nixon pretended to be crazy enough to launch a nuclear strike against North Vietnam in a ploy to gain concessions from Hanoi and its allies during the Vietnam War.

In Trumps depiction of his business negotiating style, he has hailed the value of coming on tough to soften up a rival. But one problem of this approach in foreign policy is that Trumps zigzagging left the U.S. governments middlemen in the uncomfortable position of appearing to have misled senior North Korean and Iranian officials regarding what U.S. intentions were. The source said no one was in physical danger but apologies had to be made and the credibility of the initiatives suffered a severe blow.

In the case of North Korea, the backchannel goal had been to tamp down the heated rhetoric between Washington and Pyongyang and to persuade the North Koreans to begin talks with South Korea about the possibility of some loosely formed confederation that could then lead to the gradual withdrawal of U.S. military forces and a reduction in overall tensions.

Leaving Intermediaries in the Lurch

However, by using his maiden U.N. speech to personally insult North Koreas leader and to threaten to annihilate the country, Trump left his intermediaries in the unenviable spot of trying to explain to North Korean officials the chasm between the U.S. administrations private overtures and the Presidents public outburst.
That was the context behind Secretary of State Tillersons public acknowledgement last Saturday that the administration was engaged in direct communications with the North Korean government. In effect, Tillerson was trying to bolster the credibility of the intermediaries by putting the backchannel contacts into the public light.

We are probing, so stay tuned, Tillerson said. We ask, Would you like to talk? We have lines of communications to Pyongyang were not in a dark situation, a blackout.

Tillerson added, We have a couple, three channels open to Pyongyang. Tillerson even went out of his way to specify that these were American channels, not indirect contacts through China or some other third-party government.

We can talk to them, Tillerson said. We do talk to them. The Secretary of State then rebuffed a suggestion that he was referring to Chinese intermediaries. Shaking his head, Tillerson said, Directly. We have our own channels.

But Trump was not done with his administrations zigzagging. On Sunday, he belittled the idea of a dialogue with North Korea by tweeting out that I told Rex Tillerson, our wonderful Secretary of State, that he is wasting his time trying to negotiate with Little Rocket Man.

Save your energy Rex, Trump added, before slipping in another thinly veiled threat of a military strike: well do what has to be done!

However, despite Trumps truculence, the source said the behind-the-scenes contacts with North Korea have resumed although they remain fragile amid concerns that Trump may again take to Twitter with more threats and insults and again put the intermediaries in a no-mans-land facing angry North Koreans leaders doubting the honesty and integrity of individuals supposedly representing the U.S. government.

The source said Trump has been apprised of this danger and supposedly has agreed not to undercut these intermediaries again.
But Trump lacks enough sophistication about international relations to understand the complexities of the global chessboard and the risks involved in his erratic behavior. He is also susceptible to having his head turned by the last person who speaks with him, particularly if that person is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Some people around Trump traced the Presidents destructive U.N. speech, in part, to Netanyahus insistence that Trump get in line behind the Israeli policy of continued hostility toward Iran and Syria.

When Trump was delivering the address to a mostly stone-faced General Assembly with many delegates clearly distressed listening to crude threats of war at the podium of an institution created to achieve peace one of the few visibly happy people in the building was Netanyahu as Trump embraced neoconservative war policies, albeit behind America First rhetoric.

Trump has continued to toe Netanyahus line in the Presidents current threats to refuse certification that Iran is abiding by the 2015 nuclear-weapons accord even though senior administration officials and international inspectors have confirmed that Iran is in compliance.

So, the fate of Tillersons backchannel diplomacy may ultimately rest on whether the troublemaking Netanyahu pulls Trumps chain again or whether President Zigzag wakes up at 3 a.m. with an itchy Twitter finger and a desire to look tough.

"consortiumnews.com"