Vladimir Putin goes rogue: Ukraine, NATO, nuclear weapons — and a very dangerous new reality
Post-Cold War era's over. Dealing with Putin means learning to talk to him, and respecting some legitimate concerns
By JEFFREY TAYLER
By Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS)
William Binney, former Technical Director, World Geopolitical & Military Analysis, NSA; co-founder, SIGINT Automation Research Center (ret.)
David MacMichael, National Intelligence Council (ret.)
Ray McGovern, former US Army infantry/intelligence officer & CIA analyst (ret.)
Elizabeth Murray, Deputy National Intelligence Officer for Middle East (ret.)
Todd E. Pierce, MAJ, US Army Judge Advocate (Ret.)
Coleen Rowley, Division Counsel & Special Agent, FBI (ret.)
Ann Wright, Col., US Army (ret.); Foreign Service Officer (resigned)
Can Russia and America Work Together to Crush the Islamic State?
While Moscow and Washington face off over Ukraine, a much bigger and longer-term challenge presents a possible opportunity for collaboration.
By Jiri ValentaLeni Friedman Valenta
Ukraine's Nightmare Drags On
In recent weeks, the American media has seemed focused on reporting on nearly every newsworthy event—except the Ukraine crisis.
By James W. Carden
Ukraine factories equip Russian military despite support for rebels
By Michael Birnbaum
The New Cold War and the Necessity of Patriotic Heresy
By Stephen F. Cohen
The West on the wrong path
In view of the events in Ukraine, the government and many media have switched from level-headed to agitated. The spectrum of opinions has been narrowed to the width of a sniper scope. The politics of escalation does not have a realistic goal - and harms German interests.
By Gabor Steingart
How the US and Russian Media Are Covering the Ukrainian Crisis
By Gilbert Doctorow
Flight 17 Shoot-Down Scenario Shifts From magazine covers to pronouncements by top politicians, Official Washington jumped to the conclusion that Ukrainian rebels and Russia were guilty in the shoot-down of a Malaysian passenger plane. But some U.S. intelligence analysts may see the evidence differently, writes Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
The US Factor in Russia's Election
Edward LOZANSKY, President, American University in Moscow
If statements by numerous US politicians and media are anything to go by, the United States is much concerned about the presidential election in Russia. Just as indubitably quite a few people in Washington are loath to see Putin return to the Kremlin. Still, for a variety of moral and practical reasons, America would do well to steer clear of this election.
I am aware that the word moral in the election context sounds all too like an oxymoron. A look at the past and current election campaigns in America, particularly presidential, should suffice to discourage any talk of their high standards or of them setting a shining example for other countries. A grandiose and fascinating show they certainly are, but -- an example to follow? From all accounts central to these campaigns is the amount of money invested, most of which goes to pay for smearing the opponent.
Is this what we would like to teach the Russians through 'promotion of democracy' programs paid for by the US taxpayer? Ironically, too, the money to pay for this we borrow from communist China, which is way behind Russia in terms of democracy.
As for the practical results of our efforts, more often than not our interference is notoriously counterproductive.
Putin's popularity ratings went slightly down in the wake of the recent protest rallies. However, after the huge embarrassment over the US Embassy reception of opposition members, and also the Brits' admission that their 'human rights spy stone' was not a myth after all, his popularity has bounced right back and is on the up.
Shall I remind the reader the words of Thomas Jefferson, one of the country's greatest presidents, "We wish not to meddle with the internal affairs of any country."
I might disagree with Jefferson on that score, though, as there are exceptions to this rule. Say, when a state is posing a threat to the security and vital interests of America, such interference is not only permissible but positively necessary.
Undeniably, the Soviet Union once was a case in point, and so interference in its internal affairs was perfectly justified. The Voice of America, the BBC, Radio Liberty, clandestine shipments of banned literature to the Soviet Union, and other similar acts were part of the ideological struggle against communism. Then again it ought to be remembered that the Soviet Union, too, its people's far poorer living standards notwithstanding, spent even more money on the futile backing of the international communist movement, including the US Communist Party, the Peace movement, and other leftist forces in the country.
Today, however, Russia and the United States are no longer antagonists. Moreover, we are partners in many areas, including the fight against the Taliban in Afghanistan, countering international terrorism, space exploration, and a great deal else.
As far as I know, a new Russia does not interfere in US internal affairs, and America would do well to follow suit. Especially as this kind of meddling goes against our own interests, for it antagonizes Russia's people and leadership alike and pushes them into the willing arms of China.
The memory is still fresh of the 1990s reforms that caused tremendous economic disruptions in Russia, roughly on the scale or even larger of the country's ruination in WWII. Those reforms are firmly linked in the Russian mind with the active involvement of vast numbers of US consultants. This may seem a bit of an overstatement, but there is the official document dating from 2000, which made public the results of a survey by a large group of US congressmen on instructions from the then Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert.
The document entitled 'Russia's Road to Corruption' provides ample direct proof that bad advice from the Clinton-Gore Administration caused the 1998 financial meltdown and nurtured mammoth corruption in Russia. (read more)
In a word, let the Russians themselves take care of their country's future. The United States and other Western countries should focus on developing positive and fruitful cooperation with Russia in economics, security, science, technology, and cultural exchange, and on working efficiently with Russian leaders elected by the Russian people without outside interference.