Russia House

editorial

2018-01-19
RUSSIAN FEDERATION SITREP 18 JANUARY 2018

BY PATRICK ARMSTRONG
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2018-01-19
Democrats Are Repudiating FDR's Precedent of Détente With Russia
By criminalizing alleged "contacts with the Kremlin"-and by demonizing Russia itself-today's Democrats are becoming the party of the new and more perilous Cold War.

By Stephen F. Cohen
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2018-01-19

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2018-01-17
Why Are the Media Ignoring Crucial Parts of the Simpson Testimony?
Fusion GPSТs Glenn Simpson painted a disturbing portrait of hedge-fund manager William Browder.

By James Carden
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2018-01-17
Why Senator Cardin Is a Fitting Opponent for Chelsea Manning

By Norman Solomon
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2018-01-17
Putin may win presidential election in first round - poll

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2018-01-16
Democrats search for Russians Ч any Russians Ч for collusion story

BY JONATHAN TURLEY
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2018-01-16
The FBI Hand Behind Russia-gate
In the Watergate era, liberals warned about U.S. intelligence agencies manipulating U.S. politics, but now Trump-hatred has blinded many of them to this danger becoming real, as ex-CIA analyst Ray McGovern notes.

By Ray McGovern
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2018-01-16
Lavrov reviews Russia's 2017 foreign policy in annual press Q&A
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2018-01-15
Celebrating Russian Christmas in Brussels. High Politics and High Society Meet in the Grand Dining Room

by Gilbert Doctorow
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Russia House

2018-01-11

Arming Ukraine provokes Russia
Trump administration's decision is counterproductive and dangerous

By Rajan Menon and William Ruger

Ukraine matters more to Russia than it does to the United States. This hard reality makes the Trump administration's recent decision to approve selling lethal weapons to Ukraine, including anti-tank missiles, counterproductive and dangerous.

Defenders of the move contend that it will deter Russia and pressure Vladimir Putin to accept a just political settlement of the continuing war in Ukraine's Donbas region.

It won't. Putin is too deeply committed in eastern Ukraine to back down, especially with an election approaching. Russia believes it has vital interests there that it must defend, even if that prolongs economic sanctions.

Soon after news of the arms sales broke, Russia's deputy foreign minister declared that his country won't be cowed. Russia has already demonstrated, notably in 2015, that it can parry U≠krainian military advances by sending additional personnel and weaponry. And because Russia shares a 1,200 mile-long border with Ukraine, Moscow will always be able to do so much faster and more easily than Washington can. Thus, arming Ukraine will likely escalate the conflict.

Understanding Ukraine's significance to Russia is not equivalent to condoning Putin's annexation of Crimea and support for insurgents in eastern Ukraine. It does mean there are limits to what the U.S. can achieve short of a more serious commitment.

Trump's $41.5 million arms package will scarcely change battlefield outcomes in Ukraine. But it will certainly provoke Russia. What if Putin ups the ante and Ukraine's military is pushed back? Will Washington ship more arms? What if that doesn't work? Ask the "arm Ukraine" folks. You won't get an answer. Instead, they'll talk about international norms and self-determination. Sound statecraft demands greater realism about constraints, costs and risks. Ideals aren't enough.

"USAToday.com"